Likewise, if a candidate country considers that the process through which EU conditions are made,
and the process through which the EU transfers its rules to candidates, as legitimate, it is
more likely to adopt these rules. Facilitating factors thus include the participation of the target
countries in setting conditions and the making of rules – both of which were problematic in the
case of candidates as opposed to full members. Furthermore, to be perceived legitimate, the
conditions for candidates must not be more onerous than for the incumbents (Schimmelfennig and
Sedelmeier 2005c
: 18-19; Schwellnus 2006). Moreover, legitimacy increases with the use of soft
tactics rather than overt pressure (Kubicek 2003c
: 16), and a ‘low density of EU demands’,
which allows domestic actors ‘to engage in relatively unpressured “learning” (Jacoby 2004
:
10).’
Transnational networks that connect elites in candidate countries and with the EU are a facilitating factor
for the EU’s influence for both rationalist and constructivist institutionalist approaches. The latter
emphasise particularly the role of transnational epistemic communities that do not only exercise pressures
on governments, but contribute to persuading them of the legitimacy of the rules in question
(Johnson 2006
; Kubicek 2003c: 15-16; Schimmelfennig and Sedelmeier 2005c
: 23). The EU’s twinning
programme, in which officials seconded from the member states assisted their counterparts in the
candidate countries with adopting EU legislation in their area of expertise, could facilitate such
processes. (Tulmets 2005). However, obstacles to influence and ‘cognitive convergence’ include factors such
as the institutional fluidity of programmes or the politicisation of projects, and their success depends much
on the individuals involved (Grabbe 2003
: 315; Papadimitriou and Phinnemore 2004; Pridham 2005
:
125-126; Steffens 2003).
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