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3.1 Implementation Phases and Policy Areas Studied

As has already been outlined above, most of the research has hitherto focused on the transposition of EU directives. Despite a few notable exceptions, the tendency to neglect issues of enforcement and application has even increased in the third wave of research. One reason for this seems to be a methodological one: As more and more scholars have turned to quantitative approaches, enforcement and application issues have taken a back seat since there are simply no appropriate quantitative data for analysing the “street-level” aspects of implementation. This is rather unfortunate, since all qualitative studies that did include issues of practical implementation have demonstrated that the “law in the books” is not necessarily the same as the “law in action” (Versluis 2004: 13) – if that were otherwise, everything that was written in the context of domestic implementation research would have been superfluous. Along the same lines, it is remarkable that the implementation of EU regulations, which do not require domestic transposition, have so far attracted so little interest (but see Siedentopf and Ziller 1988Jump To The Next Citation Point). From the standpoint of EU policy-making, for example, one very interesting question to be addressed would be whether the instrument of regulations work better than directives, since they offer less opportunities for policy drift and shirking, as the huge transposition problems identified by many studies would imply, or whether it is even the other way round, since regulations are too inflexible to adjust to the diverse institutional and societal conditions in a polity that comprises so many different societies, as the Siedentopf and Ziller project suggested (Ciavarini Azzi 1988: 199).10 Such a perspective could also link implementation studies to the emerging field of research on different modes of governance (see e.g. Héritier 20022003Treib et al. 2005). Another remarkable feature of existing EU implementation research is that studies with an explicit focus on cross-sectoral policy comparison are in short supply. Most qualitative studies have to date concentrated on one policy area. Particularly popular have been studies on environmental policy (Demmke 1998Jordan 1999a,bKnill and Lenschow 2000bHaverland 2000Börzel 2003aBugdahn 2005), labour law and gender equality (Hoskyns 1996Duina 1997Caporaso and Jupille 2001Falkner et al. 2005Jump To The Next Citation PointDimitrova and Rhinard 2005), and internal market policies (Schwarze et al. 199019911993Knill and Lehmkuhl 2000Héritier et al. 2001). The few qualitative studies that spanned two or more policy areas (see e.g. Siedentopf and Ziller 1988Jump To The Next Citation PointDuina 1999) did not follow a systematic comparative approach in the sense that they searched for systematic sectoral patterns in implementation. The same is true for the quantitative studies. Most of these cover cross-sectoral data, but none of them has as yet sought to test whether there are cross-sectoral differences in compliance patterns. If sectors are compared, this is usually done in a purely descriptive manner, in order to show which policy areas are ridden with the most problems (for example, see Börzel et al. 2004).

Therefore, EU implementation research is in need of cross-sectoral studies that could find out whether the strong evidence for country-specific implementation styles needs to be complemented with sector-specific (sub-)styles. Following the seminal article of Lowi (1972), domestic implementation researchers such as Mayntz (1977), Windhoff-Héritier (1980) or Ripley and Franklin (1982) have in fact argued that different policy types imply different conflicts and problems and therefore lead to different types of implementation processes. Moreover, EU compliance research will need to broaden its perspective in order to cover policies that have hitherto attracted only scant attention, such as agricultural policy or issues belonging to the expanding area of justice and home affairs.


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